CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
We must take action. But what? I don't have an agenda of policies. I'm not a politician. The current debate
swirling in Congress over the future of American health care is enough to persuade me that no one person
has all the answers. What I do know is this: The right questions must be asked —and honest answers
demanded. Any solution to the AIDS epidemic must begin with the public learning the truth about two
questions: What caused it? How does it spread?
We are already in a crisis among scientists, researchers and virologists working on AIDS. Almost every
laboratory in America is polarized between those who want full disclosure and those who do not. A
growing body of researchers, scientists, doctors and virologists abhore the politicization of the AIDS
plague and are demanding that the truth prevail.
But this group is not strong enough to make their voices heard in the media. They are ignored. And when
they do make their views known, they are threatened with loss of jobs and other reprisals. That must
change. Public pressure must convince politicians that they have no choice but to seek the truth about
AIDS.
Even the Olympians respond to public outrage. Witness Watergate and the Iran-Contra scandal. It
wouldn't take very many Chemical and Bacteriological Warfare scientists testifying before
Congress—under forced grants of immunity; talk or go to prison—before even the Olympians would be
running for cover.
When they see the public and the press turning against them, they'll become more cautious, perhaps even
put some of their grand ambitions "on hold." That alone would save lives. Prosecution of those who
created this monstrous plague could permanently remove them from society before they do more harm.
And it would put their spiritual heirs on notice that America will no longer tolerate this kind of criminality.
The revelation of some of America's darkest secrets would have a cleansing effect on the political
climate—and allow a new debate about how best to cope with the AIDS crisis. Until now, the suffering of
those with AIDS has been stressed while the suffering of those who will someday get AIDS has been
ignored. We have been lulled into treating AIDS as a civil rights issue, rather than a public health issue.
The rights of those already infected have taken precedent over the rights of the uninfected.
God knows I would not want to see more harm come to anyone with AIDS. They deserve the best medical
care available, the most compassionate treatment and all human understanding that this disease is not their
fault. But those who are stricken do not have the right to infect others. Epidemic control measures must be
invoked in industries—health care workers, food service workers, for instance—critical to the public
health.
Would we take our children to see a doctor who was visibly infected—showing large pustules on his face
and arms—with smallpox? If not, then why should we take our children to see doctors and dentists who
draw blood while infected with AIDS? If our local public health board would crack down on a restaurant
that allowed waiters and dishwashers to work with measles, then why would we not demand the same
level of confidence that food servers are not infected with AIDS?
This is not prejudice against people with AIDS. This is a straightforward matter of public health. If it
takes government insurance, along the lines of social security, to provide an income for those displaced
from their work, that is preferable—and ultimately less costly, almost no matter how expensive.
Blood banks must have a strict screening process for all donors, a process that is one hundred percent
fullproof, regardless of the cost. But the Council of Community Blood Centers and The American
Association of Blood Banks vigorously oppose any mandatory program for screening donors. And the
government has taken no action to put severe clamps on who can donate blood—and who can't.
What is urgently needed is a law requiring a sworn affidavit regarding sexual behavior of all volunteer
donors, with severe penalties for those who lie. But it is not only gays who are donating contaminated
blood. There are hundreds of thousands of heterosexual Americans who have no idea—and no reason to
believe, given the misinformation about how the disease is spread—that they are HIV-positive. When
they walk through the doors of a blood bank, they are a menace—and they don't even know it. They are
unwittingly allowed to spread the epidemic.
We are told that these people must not be discriminated against. The rights of the potential donor are
protected; but not the rights of the innocent recipient. No attempt has been made to introduce fullproof
screening methods for all blood donors. The debate has centered on civil liberties—the right of
privacy—rather than public health. But nobody has a right to donate blood without careful screening to
assure that they are not infected with HIV.
This must be perceived as a matter of epidemic control, rather than civil liberties, or the death toll on
innocent people will rise to levels beyond what anybody would now believe. This is not only a life-anddeath
matter for individuals. This is a life-and-death matter for society.
Chapters 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - Appendices - Footnotes
All of the events and characters depicted in this book
are non-fictional
Copyright © 1994 by Dr. Gary L. Glum
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American
Copyright conventions. Published in the United States by
Silent Walker Publishing, Los Angeles.
ISBN 0-9620364-1-2
Manufactured in the United States of America
Typography and binding design by Silent Walker Publishing
First Edition |
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PUBLISHING
LOS ANGELES |
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